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1 poìti
poìti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `give to drink'Old Church Slavic:Russian:poít' `give to drink' [verb], pojú [1sg], póit [3sg]Czech:Polish:poić `give to drink' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:pòjiti `give to drink' [verb], pòjīm [1sg];Čak. pojȉti (Vrgada) `give to drink' [verb], pojĩš [2sg]Slovene:pojíti `give to drink' [verb], pojím [1sg]Bulgarian:pojá `give to drink, water' [verb], pojím [1sg]Indo-European reconstruction: poh₃i-ei-teiCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 839Notes: -
2 remy
remy Grammatical information: m. n Proto-Slavic meaning: `strap, belt'Old Church Slavic:Russian:remén' `strap, belt' [m jo], remnjá [Gens]Czech:řemen `strap, belt' [m o/jo]Slovak:remeň `strap, belt' [m jo]Polish:rzemień `strap, belt' [m jo];Serbo-Croatian:rȅmēn `strap, belt' [m o], rȅmena [Gens];rèmik (Herc.) `strap, belt' [m o];Čak. rȅmik (Orbanići) `strap (of a whip)' [m o]Slovene:rémen `strap, belt' [m o], remę́na [Gens]Comments: Attempts have been made to connect * remy with -> *arьmъ/o, but this meets with formal difficulties. Apart from the fact that in South Slavic there are no forms pointing to *rě- may be consider a counter-argument (but cf. OCS retь). More importantly, arьmъ/o is usually derived from PIE h₂er-, which seems incompatible with * remy. On the other hand, the relationship with MHG rieme m. `strap, belt', the etymology of which is unknown, is also unclear. -
3 màkъ
màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:mák `poppy' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]Slovene:màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?Lithuanian:aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}Latvian:Old Prussian:IE meaning: poppyCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 698Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.Other cognates:Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];Notes:\{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'. -
4 mogti
mogti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `be able'Page in Trubačev: XIX 107-111Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:móc `be able' [verb], mogę [1sg], może [3sg]Serbo-Croatian:mòći `be able' [verb], mògu [1sg], mȍžē [3sg];Čak. mȍći (Vrgada) `be able' [verb], mȏgu [1sg], mȍže [3sg];Čak. mȍć (Orbanići) `can, be able (to), be allowed (to)' [verb], mȍren [1sg]Slovene:móči `be able, must' [verb], mǫ́rem [1sg], mórem [1sg]Bulgarian:móga `be able, be allowed' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: mog-Lithuanian:magė́ti `please, interest' \{1\} [verb], mãga [3sg]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: mogʰ-IE meaning: be able, capablePage in Pokorny: 695Comments: The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. magė́ti etc. on the one hand and mė́gti `love, like', Latv. mêgt `be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law (*h₁meǵ- if cognate with Gk. περιημεκτέω `be aggrieved, chafe'). The o-vocalism of magė́ti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. For the semantic development `to be able' -> `to like', cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mögen. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *magʰ-, māgʰ- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. μηχανή `means, instrument', μη̃χος `instrument, apparatus', Dor. μᾱχᾱνα, μα̃ χος, which was rejected by Endzelīns (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951, 168), Stang (1972, 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).Other cognates:Skt. maghá- `power, wealth, gift';Notes:\{1\} The verb usually occurs in impersonal constructions. \{2\} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish może) or a genuine Prussian form (see Mažiulis III: 114 for the relevant literature). -
5 lę̀ga
lę̀ga Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `depression'Page in Trubačev: XV 52-53Russian:ljága (N. dial.) `swampy place, swamp, depression, cavity (usually filled with water), puddle' [f ā]Old Russian:Slovincian:lëga `low place, depression' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: lenʔg(i)aʔLithuanian:léngė (arch.) `depression, small meadow between two hills' [f ē];lénkė `vale, depression, moist and boggy place, meadow, marsh' [f ē];lìnka `depression' [f ā]
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